The reason why I chose this topic begins strangely not with any ties to
same-sex love but actually from my fascination with romance, love, and society.
I own many manga whose spines have been well worn from years of reading, so
much so that the books often open to my favorite sections. Most, if not all, of
these sections are romance related. In middle school and through high school
when I read most of my manga collection, I formulated my ideas of romance and
love around these representations. The
below image is from one of my favorite series, Inu Yasha. This scene shows tenderness as Inu Yasha takes Kagome’s
hand and hints at the growing love between the two characters. However, this
panel does also portray stereotypical gender roles, such as Inu Yasha
proclaiming that he will protect Kagome. In spite of the fact that Kagome is
quite a skilled archer, Kagome is often kidnapped or forced into other
situations which result in Inu Yasha coming to her rescue. This is the same
basic concept that many early Disney movies, such as Snow White and the Seven Dwarves present. In the image below, snow
white is presented as passive, simply waiting for her love to seek her out. Also,
the way the picture is framed paints her as a demure figure in the subject of a
male gaze, as she does not make eye contact with the camera, but instead gazes
down at her Dwarf friends, who could also be seen as her children.
Figure 1: heteronormative
representations in Inu Yasha Vol. 50,
Ch. 494
Figure 2
Another factor that drove me
to pursue this topic was my increasing interest in feminism. Over the past few
years, I have become more interested in looking at the way women are viewed,
and also how notions of love are also funneled through heteronormative
standards, that often place power in relationships in the hands of males. A few
years ago, I looked at the issue of Japanese censorship of erotic art and
manga. During my research, I found it interesting how much pressure was placed
upon women to conform to the standards of Japanese society; that is to
eventually get married and have children. In general, this demand pushed
Japanese women away from their own desires in life, even if this meant being
forced to change their sexual preference. I decided to see if this same push towards patriarchal standards and also gendered roles also existed in same-sex love representations. The focus of this essay will look at patriarchal
and “gendered” representations in depictions of same sex love, particularly
concerning the persistence of gendered norms within shunga, which are erotic
woodblock paintings, and also manga, Japanese comics. Throughout Japanese history, there has been a tendency to place gendered notions upon same-sex love as well as present images in a way that portrays "feminine" figures as submissive to "masculine" figures.
Japan has a long tradition of accepted male homosexuality, but this tradition is
also steeped in negative and patriarchal perceptions of women. The beginning of
the societal shaping of views of homosexuality begins with religion. According
to Watanabe Tsuneo and Jun’ichi Iwata, Japan’s tradition of male homosexuality has
often been attributed to Kūkai
(CE 774-835) who returned from China in 806 CE, bringing esoteric Buddhist
teachings to Japan. One of the practices that he supposedly brought back from
China was homosexuality. However, the authors comment that this linking of
Kūkai to homosexuality is most likely just a legend, and same-sex relations
probably existed long before Kūkai’s journey.[1]
Although it is more than likely that Kukai was not bring the tradition of
homosexuality to Japan, this still shows that societal views of sexuality and
also genders was connected to religion. Gary P. Leupp adds that while Buddhism
repulsed the idea of procreation due to the fact that the ultimate goal of
Buddhism was to escape rebirth, “[h]omosexual activity may have been viewed as
a lesser offense than homosexual involvements.”[2]
Women, due to the fact that they were responsible for birth were often viewed
negatively, and women were looked down upon in Buddhism. Leupp writes, “One
scripture suggests that, when offered a (female) prostitute, the historical
Buddha responded, ‘Why try to tempt me with that thing? It is a bag full of
shit and piss. I would not touch it with my foot.’”[3]
A tradition of accepted homosexual practices emerged among monks. McLelland
comments that during the Heian period (794-1185) it became acceptable for monks
to take on younger acolytes as sexual partners, and this tradition was referred
to as chigo.[4]
Religion has also attempted to separate
the roles and associations of male and female. Gary P. Leupp notes some gendered
beliefs of Confucianism. Chinese Yin-yang
philosophy looks at the relationship between male and female. Yin is the force which is representative
of the female essence, and yang is
the force which is representative of the male essence. In order to create
stability within oneself, these two essences must be balanced, and “[s]ex is
one activity that contributes to this balance.” Leupp adds that while
Confucianism portrayed sex as necessary in order to balance yang, overindulgence in sexual pleasure
with a woman could be dangerous. “This is because the female yin essence, modeled after water, can
quench the male yang essence, which
is modeled after fire. Homosexual intercourse, by contrast, results in no net
loss of yang force for either male.”[5]
Samurai also established a tradition of
accepted homosexuality. McLelland comments that during the Edo period
(1603-1868), samurai could take part in homosexual and heterosexual affairs. “Same-sex
relationships were governed by a code of ethics described as nanshoku (male eroticism) and shudō
(the way of youths), in the context of which elite men were able to pursue boys
and young men who had not yet undergone their coming-of-age ceremonies, as well
as transgender males of all ages from the lower classes who worked as actors
and prostitutes.”[6]
Leupp offers some insight into how the tradition of accepted male homosexuality
among samurai developed. He first notes that samurai were often removed from
contact with women for long periods of time, therefore resulting in homosexual
behavior. He also notes that feudalism may have played a role. Feudalism, which
based on hierarchal standards, arose in Japan during the twelfth century due to
“the collapse of centralized state institutions.” Strong men took the power in
the absence of state institutions while women’s power within society decreased.
“Strong men’s traits, which represented the ability to survive in unstable
conditions, may have acquired erotic significance to women and men alike.”[7]
Figure 3: depiction of a
samurai and a female prostitute.
Depictions in shunga portray the
sense of power, especially over more feminine participants, even in the case of
homosexual representations. The figure above depicts a samurai and a female
prostitute, and there are several features that associate male dominance over
females. The woman is being positioned and supported by the samurai. Her hand
is bent in a delicate way, further show her femininity. While the lack of depth
in the woodblock print suggests that the samurai could be lying next to the
prostitute, he is instead still illustrated as being above her.
Shunga
depicting male homosexuality also displayed a similar theme, In Figures 4 and 5,
both images show a samurai with a Kabuki actor. In both representations, the
kabuki actors are also being positioned by their lovers. In figure 4, the
samurai is turning the actor’s face towards him, and in figure 5, the samurai
is in a dominant position on top of the actor and is lifting the actor’s Kimono.
These two representations also present the actors as feminine. Both actors also
have their hands positioned in a delicate manner which is similar to that of
the female prostitute. The actor in Figure 4 is also dressed in a woman’s
long-sleeved kimono (furisode).
Figure 4
Figure 5
While female same-sex love was
represented in shunga, there were
still aspects of the artwork, which fed into the patriarchal society. Mark
McLelland comments that “Edo-period sexual culture was phallocentric and
organized around active/passive polarity—that is, one sexual act was of
overwhelming significance: penetration by a penis.”[viii]
Women were lacking the necessary feature to fit into this phallocentric
representation. Leupp further notes that “[f]urther underlining the
phallocentrism of the culture, they usually portray the use of dildos as penis
substitutes.”[ix]
Women were depicted using dildos as a substitute for men. Both the producers
and consumers of lesbian shunga, Leupp
adds, were mostly men.[x]There
was no formal term for love between two women, unlike terms like nanshoku, love between two men, and joshoku, love between a man and a woman.
During the Edo period, there were artworks as well as writings which depicted
lesbian sex. [xi]
In figure 6, two women preparing for coitus. Both women are gazing at the dildo
which has been tied around the other woman’s waist. The direct gaze at the
dildo ties into this idea of phallocentrism: in spite of the fact that the two
women intend to make love with each other, both women are more fascinated with
the phallus. In a Freudian interpretation of Figure 7, the woman’s arm snaking
under the kimono looks somewhat like a phallus. Also, the woman whose robes are
opened is presented as the more passive figure, allowing her lover to take
control over her. This further attributes to the sense of “gendered” roles,
even between same-sex lovers.
Figure 6
Figure7
Now I will move to more modern representations of same-sex love. Beginning around the 1970s manga concerning
homosexuality began to appear. The two branches of homosexual manga I will look
at are Yuri, which features same-sex
love between girls, and Yaoi, which
features same sex love between young men. Both of these series are also
primarily illustrated by women. Concerning Yuri
and Yaoi, there have been many
debates over whether both of these genres support patriarchal standards and
“gendered” roles between lovers or if they are a liberating force.
Themes of same-sex love among girls
which are found in Yuri have also
been seen as a form of patriarchal control under the guise of S (esu) culture, in reference to shojo (meaning girl). McLelland explains
that due to the fact that interactions between sexes were viewed negatively in
the early 1900s, same-sex crushes for girls and boys were actually permitted
and somewhat encouraged.[xii]
S culture Nagaike Kazumi further notes, was originally cultivated “under
conditions of oppression, as the principle modernist ideal in relation to women’s
social status was ryosai kenbo (good
wife and wise mother). This ideal compels women to fulfill the functions of
(heterosexual) mother and wife in the interests of national development.”[xiii]
Although same-sex crushes and infatuations were allowed for schoolgirls, these
ties were not intended to last, but to be “outgrown.”[xiv]
Although same-sex desires were encouraged by patriarchal society, this
encouragement was not necessarily to encourage equality for women in their
desires, but instead to further support patriarchal control and further build
the nation.
Depictions of Same sex love in Yuri
have at the same time conformed to patriarchal standards while also deviating
from patriarchal control. The image below depicts tow school-age girls. Both
girls are presented as near equals. Both girls are feminine, and there is no
trace of masculinization, denoting dominance; although, there is one exception
that one girl is older than the other, as noted by the suffix, sempai. Nagaike comments that stereotypical
Yuri usually does not contain much sexual imagery due to the fact that most of
the readers of Yuri are assumed to be
young girls. Female-female relationships are therefore often presented as “spiritual”
rather than “corporeal.”[xv]
However, some characters within Yuri series
do recognize that female same-sex love is not truly accepted outside of adolescence.
Nagaike features several examples of girls lamenting that their love for
another female peer may not last. “’After all, a lesbian relationship is no
more than a mutual favor. After graduation, we’ll forget it and start having
real experiences in society, just as if we were awakening from a dream.’”[xvi]
This quote notes the presence of patriarchal ideas within society, affirming
that same-sex desires have no purpose outside of adolescence, due to the fact
that the girls will need to have “real experiences” in contrast to what they
are experiencing in their adolescence, which is presented as just an illusion
or “dream.”
Figure 8
Yaoi
comics also “gendered” stereotypes as well as an avenue to escape patriarchal
structure. As noted earlier, Yaoi
comics, although featuring male same-sex love, are mostly created by women for
women. In figure 9, the two men portrayed, similar to Figure 9, are portrayed
as nearly equal. There are some differentiations, such as the longer hair of
the blond male and the slightly more feminine-looking eyelashes. Also, within
representations of men, there is no “gender” stigma—that is, that there are
less negative and patriarchal stereotypes associated with males.
Figure 9
However, there are some
representations within Yaoi manga
that still support “gendered” roles within relationships. Febriani Sihombing
comments that Yaoi characters still usually fall into two categories, Seme and Uke, due to their roles during sexual intercourse, and charactes
rarely switch categories.[xvii]
Uke refers to the character who is
usually the recipient of the sexual act, and Seme refers to the giver of the sexual act. In figure 10, the two
young men are portrayed in more gendered roles, which fit in with ideas of
dominance over more feminine actors in patriarchal societies. The blond man is
presented in a more feminine way, with slightly softened features. The light
touch of his lover’s arm is also reminiscent of the portrayal of the female
prostitute in figure 3. However, not all Yaoi
manga gives direct visual clues to sexual roles. For instance, Sihombing
comments that some representations of Yaoi
characters do not necessarily give indications of Seme and Uke. The cover
of the Flight Control, represented in
figure11, portrays the two main characters very similarly. There is “no
significant differentiation in their persona codes.”[xviii]
“They have almost similar eye shapes, eyebrows, lips, and face shapes, although
they have different eye color and hair.”[xix] Rather than portray the characters as masculine or feminine, the artist chose to portray them as equals.
Figure 10
Figure 11
Homosexual representations in art have been "gendered" and constructed through a patriarchal lens, favoring male dominance, especially in Japanese history prior to the twentieth century. Gendered representations, which also support patriarchal society, still continue, but there has been headway made through the fact that at least women can express same-sex desires of their own through artwork.
Notes
[1]
Tsuneo Watanabe and Jun’ichi Iwata, The
Love of the Samurai: a Thousand Years of Japanese Homosexuality, trans.
D.R. Roberts (GMP Publishers Ltd., 1987), 31-2.
[2] Gary
P. Leupp, Male Colors: The Construction
of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1995), 21.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Mark
McLelland, Queer Japan: From the Pacific
War to the Internet Age (New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,
Inc., 2005), 17.
[5]
Ibid., 20-21.
[6] Ibid.,
16.
[7] Leupp,
47-8.
[viii] McLelland,
Queer Japan, 17.
[ix]
Ibid., 18.
[x] Ibid.
[xi]
Ibid.
[xii] Ibid.,
25-6.
[xiii]
Nagaike Kazumi, “The Sexual and Textual Politics of Japanese Lesbian Comics:
Reading Romantic and Erotic Yuri Narratives,” Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies, http://www.japanesestudies.org.uk/articles/2010/Nagaike.html
(accessed April 1, 2015).
[xiv] McLelland,
Queer Japan, 21.
[xv] Nagaike,
“Sexual and Textual Politics.”
[xvi] Dream Drops, Vol. 9: 168, quoted in Nagaike Nagaike Kazumi, “The Sexual and Textual
Politics of Japanese Lesbian Comics: Reading Romantic and Erotic Yuri
Narratives,” Electronic Journal of
Contemporary Japanese Studies, http://www.japanesestudies.org.uk/articles/2010/Nagaike.html
(accessed April 1, 2015).
[xvii]
Febriani Sihombing, “On the Iconic
Difference Between Couple Characteristics in Boys’ Love Manga,” Image and
Narrative 12, no.1 (2012): 150.
[xviii]
Ibid., 156-157.
[xix]
Ibid., 157.
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